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Text of Pope Francis S.J.'s Speech to the U.N.
Mr President,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Thank
you for your kind words. Once again, following a tradition by which I
feel honored, the Secretary General of the United Nations has invited
the Pope to address this distinguished assembly of nations. In my own
name, and that of the entire Catholic community, I wish to express to
you, Mr Ban Ki-moon, my heartfelt gratitude. I greet the Heads of State
and Heads of Government present, as well as the ambassadors, diplomats
and political and technical officials accompanying them, the personnel
of the United Nations engaged in this 70th Session of the General
Assembly, the personnel of the various programs and agencies of the
United Nations family, and all those who, in one way or another, take
part in this meeting. Through you, I also greet the citizens of all the
nations represented in this hall. I thank you, each and all, for your
efforts in the service of mankind.
This
is the fifth time that a Pope has visited the United Nations. I follow
in the footsteps of my predecessors Paul VI, in1965, John Paul II, in
1979 and 1995, and my most recent predecessor, now Pope Emeritus
Benedict XVI, in 2008. All of them expressed their great esteem for the
Organization, which they considered the appropriate juridical and
political response to this present moment of history, marked by our
technical ability to overcome distances and frontiers and, apparently,
to overcome all natural limits to the exercise of power. An essential
response, inasmuch as technological power, in the hands of nationalistic
or falsely universalist ideologies, is capable of perpetrating
tremendous atrocities. I can only reiterate the appreciation expressed
by my predecessors, in reaffirming the importance which the Catholic
Church attaches to this Institution and the hope which she places in its
activities.
The
United Nations is presently celebrating its seventieth anniversary. The
history of this organized community of states is one of important common
achievements over a period of unusually fast- paced changes. Without
claiming to be exhaustive, we can mention the codification and
development of international law, the establishment of international
norms regarding human rights, advances in humanitarian law, the
resolution of numerous conflicts, operations of peace-keeping and
reconciliation, and any number of other accomplishments in every area of
international activity and endeavour. All these achievements are lights
which help to dispel the darkness of the disorder caused by
unrestrained ambitions and collective forms of selfishness. Certainly,
many grave problems remain to be resolved, yet it is clear that, without
all those interventions on the international level, mankind would not
have been able to survive the unchecked use of its own possibilities.
Every one of these political, juridical and technical advances is a path
towards attaining the ideal of human fraternity and a means for its
greater realization.
For
this reason I pay homage to all those men and women whose loyalty and
self-sacrifice have benefitted humanity as a whole in these past seventy
years. In particular, I would recall today those who gave their lives
for peace and reconciliation among peoples, from Dag Hammarskjöld to the
many United Nations officials at every level who have been killed in
the course of humanitarian missions, and missions of peace and
reconciliation.
Beyond
these achievements, the experience of the past seventy years has made
it clear that reform and adaptation to the times is always necessary in
the pursuit of the ultimate goal of granting all countries, without
exception, a share in, and a genuine and equitable influence on,
decision-making processes. The need for greater equity is especially
true in the case of those bodies with effective executive capability,
such as the Security Council, the Financial Agencies and the groups or
mechanisms specifically created to deal with economic crises. This will
help limit every kind of abuse or usury, especially where developing
countries are concerned. The International Financial Agencies are should
care for the sustainable development of countries and should ensure
that they are not subjected to oppressive lending systems which, far
from promoting progress, subject people to mechanisms which generate
greater poverty, exclusion and dependence.
The
work of the United Nations, according to the principles set forth in the
Preamble and the first Articles of its founding Charter, can be seen as
the development and promotion of the rule of law, based on the
realization that justice is an essential condition for achieving the
ideal of universal fraternity. In this context, it is helpful to recall
that the limitation of power is an idea implicit in the concept of law
itself. To give to each his own, to cite the classic definition of
justice, means that no human individual or group can consider itself
absolute, permitted to bypass the dignity and the rights of other
individuals or their social groupings. The effective distribution of
power (political, economic, defense-related, technological, etc.) among a
plurality of subjects, and the creation of a juridical system for
regulating claims and interests, are one concrete way of limiting power.
Yet today’s world presents us with many false rights and – at the same
time – broad sectors which are vulnerable, victims of power badly
exercised: for example, the natural environment and the vast ranks of
the excluded. These sectors are closely interconnected and made
increasingly fragile by dominant political and economic relationships.
That is why their rights must be forcefully affirmed, by working to
protect the environment and by putting an end to exclusion.
First,
it must be stated that a true “right of the environment” does exist,
for two reasons. First, because we human beings are part of the
environment. We live in communion with it, since the environment itself
entails ethical limits which human activity must acknowledge and
respect. Man, for all his remarkable gifts, which “are signs of a
uniqueness which transcends the spheres of physics and biology” (Laudato
Si’, 81), is at the same time a part of these spheres. He possesses a
body shaped by physical, chemical and biological elements, and can only
survive and develop if the ecological environment is favourable. Any
harm done to the environment, therefore, is harm done to humanity.
Second, because every creature, particularly a living creature, has an
intrinsic value, in its existence, its life, its beauty and its
interdependence with other creatures. We Christians, together with the
other monotheistic religions, believe that the universe is the fruit of a
loving decision by the Creator, who permits man respectfully to use
creation for the good of his fellow men and for the glory of the
Creator; he is not authorized to abuse it, much less to destroy it. In
all religions, the environment is a fundamental good (cf. ibid.).
The
misuse and destruction of the environment are also accompanied by a
relentless process of exclusion. In effect, a selfish and boundless
thirst for power and material prosperity leads both to the misuse of
available natural resources and to the exclusion of the weak and
disadvantaged, either because they are differently abled (handicapped),
or because they lack adequate information and technical expertise, or
are incapable of decisive political action. Economic and social
exclusion is a complete denial of human fraternity and a grave offense
against human rights and the environment. The poorest are those who
suffer most from such offenses, for three serious reasons: they are cast
off by society, forced to live off what is discarded and suffer
unjustly from the abuse of the environment. They are part of today’s
widespread and quietly growing “culture of waste”.
The
dramatic reality this whole situation of exclusion and inequality, with
its evident effects, has led me, in union with the entire Christian
people and many others, to take stock of my grave responsibility in this
regard and to speak out, together with all those who are seeking
urgently-needed and effective solutions. The adoption of the 2030 Agenda
for Sustainable Development at the World Summit, which opens today, is
an important sign of hope. I am similarly confident that the Paris
Conference on Climatic Change will secure fundamental and effective
agreements.
Solemn
commitments, however, are not enough, even though they are a necessary
step toward solutions. The classic definition of justice which I
mentioned earlier contains as one of its essential elements a constant
and perpetual will: Iustitia est constans et perpetua voluntas ius sum cuique tribuendi.
Our world demands of all government leaders a will which is effective,
practical and constant, concrete steps and immediate measures for
preserving and improving the natural environment and thus putting an end
as quickly as possible to the phenomenon of social and economic
exclusion, with its baneful consequences: human trafficking, the
marketing of human organs and tissues, the sexual exploitation of boys
and girls, slave labour, including prostitution, the drug and weapons
trade, terrorism and international organized crime. Such is the
magnitude of these situations and their toll in innocent lives, that we
must avoid every temptation to fall into a declarationist nominalism
which would assuage our consciences. We need to ensure that our
institutions are truly effective in the struggle against all these
scourges.
The
number and complexity of the problems require that we possess technical
instruments of verification. But this involves two risks. We can rest
content with the bureaucratic exercise of drawing up long lists of good
proposals – goals, objectives and statistical indicators – or we can
think that a single theoretical and aprioristic solution will provide an
answer to all the challenges. It must never be forgotten that political
and economic activity is only effective when it is understood as a
prudential activity, guided by a perennial concept of justice and
constantly conscious of the fact that, above and beyond our plans and
programmes, we are dealing with real men and women who live, struggle
and suffer, and are often forced to live in great poverty, deprived of
all rights.
To
enable these real men and women to escape from extreme poverty, we must
allow them to be dignified agents of their own destiny. Integral human
development and the full exercise of human dignity cannot be imposed.
They must be built up and allowed to unfold for each individual, for
every family, in communion with others, and in a right relationship with
all those areas in which human social life develops – friends,
communities, towns and cities, schools, businesses and unions,
provinces, nations, etc. This presupposes and requires the right to
education – also for girls (excluded in certain places) – which is
ensured first and foremost by respecting and reinforcing the primary
right of the family to educate its children, as well as the right of
churches and social groups to support and assist families in the
education of their children. Education conceived in this way is the
basis for the implementation of the 2030 Agenda and for reclaiming the
environment.
At
the same time, government leaders must do everything possible to ensure
that all can have the minimum spiritual and material means needed to
live in dignity and to create and support a family, which is the primary
cell of any social development. In practical terms, this absolute
minimum has three names: lodging, labour, and land; and one spiritual
name: spiritual freedom, which includes religious freedom, the right to
education and other civil rights.
For
all this, the simplest and best measure and indicator of the
implementation of the new Agenda for development will be effective,
practical and immediate access, on the part of all, to essential
material and spiritual goods: housing, dignified and properly
remunerated employment, adequate food and drinking water; religious
freedom and, more generally, spiritual freedom and education. These
pillars of integral human development have a common foundation, which is
the right to life and, more generally, what we could call the right to
existence of human nature itself.
The
ecological crisis, and the large-scale destruction of biodiversity, can
threaten the very existence of the human species. The baneful
consequences of an irresponsible mismanagement of the global economy,
guided only by ambition for wealth and power, must serve as a summons to
a forthright reflection on man: “man is not only a freedom which he
creates for himself. Man does not create himself. He is spirit and will,
but also nature” (BENEDICT XVI, Address to the Bundestag, 22 September
2011, cited in Laudato Si’, 6). Creation is compromised “where we
ourselves have the final word... The misuse of creation begins when we
no longer recognize any instance above ourselves, when we see nothing
else but ourselves” (ID. Address to the Clergy of the Diocese of
Bolzano-Bressanone, 6 August 2008, cited ibid.). Consequently, the
defence of the environment and the fight against exclusion demand that
we recognize a moral law written into human nature itself, one which
includes the natural difference between man and woman (cf. Laudato Si’,
155), and absolute respect for life in all its stages and dimensions
(cf. ibid., 123, 136).
Without
the recognition of certain incontestable natural ethical limits and
without the immediate implementation of those pillars of integral human
development, the ideal of “saving succeeding generations from the
scourge of war” (Charter of the United Nations, Preamble), and
“promoting social progress and better standards of life in larger
freedom” (ibid.), risks becoming an unattainable illusion, or, even
worse, idle chatter which serves as a cover for all kinds of abuse and
corruption, or for carrying out an ideological colonization by the
imposition of anomalous models and lifestyles which are alien to
people’s identity and, in the end, irresponsible.
War
is the negation of all rights and a dramatic assault on the environment.
If we want true integral human development for all, we must work
tirelessly to avoid war between nations and between peoples.
To this end,
there is a need to ensure the uncontested rule of law and tireless
recourse to negotiation, mediation and arbitration, as proposed by the
Charter of the United Nations, which constitutes truly a fundamental
juridical norm. The experience of these seventy years since the founding
of the United Nations in general, and in particular the experience of
these first fifteen years of the third millennium, reveal both the
effectiveness of the full application of international norms and the
ineffectiveness of their lack of enforcement. When the Charter of the
United Nations is respected and applied with transparency and sincerity,
and without ulterior motives, as an obligatory reference point of
justice and not as a means of masking spurious intentions, peaceful
results will be obtained. When, on the other hand, the norm is
considered simply as an instrument to be used whenever it proves
favourable, and to be avoided when it is not, a true Pandora’s box is
opened, releasing uncontrollable forces which gravely harm defenseless
populations, the cultural milieu and even the biological environment.
The
Preamble and the first Article of the Charter of the United Nations set
forth the foundations of the international juridical framework: peace,
the pacific solution of disputes and the development of friendly
relations between the nations. Strongly opposed to such statements, and
in practice denying them, is the constant tendency to the proliferation
of arms, especially weapons of mass distraction, such as nuclear
weapons. An ethics and a law based on the threat of mutual destruction –
and possibly the destruction of all mankind – are self-contradictory
and an affront to the entire framework of the United Nations, which
would end up as “nations united by fear and distrust”. There is urgent
need to work for a world free of nuclear weapons, in full application of
the non-proliferation Treaty, in letter and spirit, with the goal of a
complete prohibition of these weapons.
The
recent agreement reached on the nuclear question in a sensitive region
of Asia and the Middle East is proof of the potential of political good
will and of law, exercised with sincerity, patience and constancy. I
express my hope that this agreement will be lasting and efficacious, and
bring forth the desired fruits with the cooperation of all the parties
involved.
In
this sense, hard evidence is not lacking of the negative effects of
military and political interventions which are not coordinated between
members of the international community. For this reason, while
regretting to have to do so, I must renew my repeated appeals regarding
to the painful situation of the entire Middle East, North Africa and
other African countries, where Christians, together with other cultural
or ethnic groups, and even members of the majority religion who have no
desire to be caught up in hatred and folly, have been forced to witness
the destruction of their places of worship, their cultural and religious
heritage, their houses and property, and have faced the alternative
either of fleeing or of paying for their adhesion to good and to peace
by their own lives, or by enslavement.
These
realities should serve as a grave summons to an examination of
conscience on the part of those charged with the conduct of
international affairs. Not only in cases of religious or cultural
persecution, but in every situation of conflict, as in Ukraine, Syria,
Iraq, Libya, South Sudan and the Great Lakes region, real human beings
take precedence over partisan interests, however legitimate the latter
may be. In wars and conflicts there are individual persons, our brothers
and sisters, men and women, young and old, boys and girls who weep,
suffer and die. Human beings who are easily discarded when our only
response is to draw up lists of problems, strategies and disagreements.
As I
wrote in my letter to the Secretary-General of the United Nations on 9
August 2014, “the most basic understanding of human dignity compels the
international community, particularly through the norms and mechanisms
of international law, to do all that it can to stop and to prevent
further systematic violence against ethnic and religious minorities” and
to protect innocent peoples.
Along
the same lines I would mention another kind of conflict which is not
always so open, yet is silently killing millions of people. Another kind
of war experienced by many of our societies as a result of the
narcotics trade. A war which is taken for granted and poorly fought.
Drug trafficking is by its very nature accompanied by trafficking in
persons, money laundering, the arms trade, child exploitation and other
forms of corruption. A corruption which has penetrated to different
levels of social, political, military, artistic and religious life, and,
in many cases, has given rise to a parallel structure which threatens
the credibility of our institutions.
I
began this speech recalling the visits of my predecessors. I would hope
that my words will be taken above all as a continuation of the final
words of the address of Pope Paul VI; although spoken almost exactly
fifty years ago, they remain ever timely. “The hour has come when a
pause, a moment of recollection, reflection, even of prayer, is
absolutely needed so that we may think back over our common origin, our
history, our common destiny. The appeal to the moral conscience of man
has never been as necessary as it is today... For the danger comes
neither from progress nor from science; if these are used well, they can
help to solve a great number of the serious problems besetting mankind
(Address to the United Nations Organization, 4 October 1965). Among
other things, human genius, well applied, will surely help to meet the
grave challenges of ecological deterioration and of exclusion. As Paul
VI said: “The real danger comes from man, who has at his disposal ever
more powerful instruments that are as well fitted to bring about ruin as
they are to achieve lofty conquests” (ibid.).
The
common home of all men and women must continue to rise on the
foundations of a right understanding of universal fraternity and respect
for the sacredness of every human life, of every man and every woman,
the poor, the elderly, children, the infirm, the unborn, the unemployed,
the abandoned, those considered disposable because they are only
considered as part of a statistic. This common home of all men and women
must also be built on the understanding of a certain sacredness of
created nature.
Such
understanding and respect call for a higher degree of wisdom, one which
accepts transcendence, rejects the creation of an all-powerful élite,
and recognizes that the full meaning of individual and collective life
is found in selfless service to others and in the sage and respectful
use of creation for the common good. To repeat the words of Paul VI,
“the edifice of modern civilization has to be built on spiritual
principles, for they are the only ones capable not only of supporting
it, but of shedding light on it” (ibid.).
El Gaucho Martín Fierro,
a classic of literature in my native land, says: “Brothers should stand
by each other, because this is the first law; keep a true bond between
you always, at every time – because if you fight among yourselves,
you’ll be devoured by those outside”.
The
contemporary world, so apparently connected, is experiencing a growing
and steady social fragmentation, which places at risk “the foundations
of social life” and consequently leads to “battles over conflicting
interests” (Laudato Si’, 229).
The
present time invites us to give priority to actions which generate new
processes in society, so as to bear fruit in significant and positive
historical events (cf. Evangelii Gaudium, 223). We cannot permit
ourselves to postpone “certain agendas” for the future. The future
demands of us critical and global decisions in the face of world-wide
conflicts which increase the number of the excluded and those in need.
The
praiseworthy international juridical framework of the United Nations
Organization and of all its activities, like any other human endeavour,
can be improved, yet it remains necessary; at the same time it can be
the pledge of a secure and happy future for future generations. And so
it will, if the representatives of the States can set aside partisan and
ideological interests, and sincerely strive to serve the common good. I
pray to Almighty God that this will be the case, and I assure you of my
support and my prayers, and the support and prayers of all the faithful
of the Catholic Church, that this Institution, all its member States,
and each of its officials, will always render an effective service to
mankind, a service respectful of diversity and capable of bringing out,
for sake of the common good, the best in each people and in every
individual.
Upon all of you, and the peoples you represent, I invoke the blessing of the Most High, and all peace and prosperity. Thank you.
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