Wlodimir (Vladimir) Ledochowski- Holocaust: Critical Concepts in Historical Studies- Continued

Wlodimir Ledochowski S.J.

From Holocaust: Critical Concepts in Historical Studies

In any event, after some fifteen years the two researchers finally did beat a path to Breslin's door, and obtained the original NCR material, some sixty two documents in all. While some pieces of the puzzle are still missing, probably still locked away in Vatican archives, Passelecq and Suchecky now felt they were in a position to complete their analysis and present the "hidden" encyclical. Its full text, or at least the French language version of the document, published as an appendix to their book, conveys a somewhat different message that may have expected.

To begin, the draft encyclical is long-- nearly a hundred pages, in the French text -- written in the highly opaque language and triumphlist tone that characterized such pronouncements, faithfully reproducing Pius XI's characteristically tedious, repetitive, and even clumsy written expression. 39

Plunging into highly obtrusive discussion of doctrine and religious authority, the draft encyclical came to the Jews only after devoting more than half of its text to other matters, most importantly, the impact of modernity of humanity in general and on the Catholic understanding of race in particular. Missing from the document -- as indeed from all encyclicals of the era -- was reference to anything concrete: states, movements, policies, or leaders.

Intended to speak to the ages, to be received by princes of the church and accepted by generations of the faifful, the document deliberately exchewed the specifics of the here and now.

The starting pont of the draft was a lamentation about the state of the modern world, an important theme of twentieth-century Catholic discourse, memorably articulated in Pius XI's encyclical Quadragesimo Anno if 1931. The contemporary world was in a state of confusion and disorder, and the Church had an obligation to try to set things right. Human society was atomized and divided. Spirituality was in decay. Secularism was on the advance.

Industrialization tore masses of people loose from traditional environments. Materialism, private property, and private ambition had created a modern Tower of Babel. People looked too much to the state and bureaucracies to solve their problems. The result was a drift to totalitarianism, whether revolutionary or reactionary. Over all hung the threat of a war that would bring new catastrophe. "Our modern society is ill," said the draft, and modern panaceas only made matters worse. 40

Against the upheavals of modernity, the draft encyclical asserted fundamental principles. At the bottom lay the notion of the unity of humanity, based upon a human nature common to everyone-- a truth proclaimed with the full religious authority of the Church. All men were brothers, joined together for the redemption of he world. Racism negated these truths and thus assailed the universal values of morality and religion. Claiming that humanity was divided into superior and inferior races, racism contradicted truths about the fundamental unity of the human personality and destroyed the basis for human society. To be sure, there were differences among races, but such differences arose from environmental conditions (conditions du milieu), and were not innate, as racists claimed. 41

Rather then setting race over another, as sometimes was the case in colonialism, nations had an obligation to work for racial harmony: "men of good will should make every effort to eliminate public distinctions which are dishonorable and exclusive, in order that relations among social groups be governed exclusively by interracial justice and charity." 42 To be sure, there were limitations on interracial contacts "defined be sentiments of fraternity and prudence," particularly having to do with marriage. But on one issues, a sore point in relations with Nazi Germany because of the Nuremberg Laws, and soon to be a battleground in Fascist Italy, there could be no compromise: unwritten marriage preferences were one thing, but marriage was a sacrament instituted by Christ and was solely in the care of the Church."

State-imposed limitations on marriage between members of difference races were unjust, were insulting to races that were so singled out, and were an affront to human dignity. 43

The draft encyclical then turned to the subject of the Jews, noting how those who put race on a pedestal sometimes looked to divisions within races, and sought to purify their own race. In doing so, they launched a cruel campaign against the Jews, reminiscent of historic persecutions which had been repeatedly denounced by the Holy See, especially when such outrages had been conducted under the mantle of Christianity. In a remarkable passage, the draft spoke of the impact of antisemitic campaigns. "Once this persecution is launched, millions of people in their own native lands are stripped of the most elementary rights and privileges of citizenship, are refused legal protection against violence and robbery, are subjected to insult and shame

...People who fought so valiantly for their countries are treated as traitors; children of those who fell on the field of battle become outlaws, by the sole fact of their parentage ... This flagrant denial of elementary justice to the Jews leads to the expulsion of thousands into the hazards of exile, without any resources. Wandering from country to country, they are a burden to themselves and to humanity." 44

To be sure, the draft insisted, there was a Jewish question, but this was a religious and not a racial, national, or territorial question. Explaining, the text then repeated the traditional Catholic view of the Jews: having been chosen by God to prepare the way for the coming of Christ, the Jews rejected Jesus, violently repudiated him, and in collusion with others, had him put to death. Even after, "this unfortunate people ... condemned, it seems, to wander the face of the earth forever, had nevertheless been preserved from total ruin by the mysterious hand of providence, and has maintained itself over the cebturies up to our own time." 45 Having obstinately rejected Christ, the Jews have shown a constant enmity toward Christianity and as a result there has been a continuing tension between Jews and Christians.

Ardently hoping for their conversion, the draft maintained, the Church had nonetheless been attentive to the dangers to which contact with the Jews could expose the souls of its followers -- a concern that was certainly as urgent now as in the past. "As long as the unbelief of the Jews and their hostility toward Christianity persist, the Church must guard against the dangers that this unbelief and hostility pose to the faithful. The dangers are especially acute when they involve the promotion of revolutionary movements that seek to overthrow the social order and undermine respect for and love of God. To protect the faithful, therefore, the Church has "warned against relations with the Jewish community that were overly casual and that could introduce into Christianity customs and ways of perception that were incompatible with its ideals." The Church supported "energetic measures to protect the faith and protect society itself against the pernicious influences of error." 46

Antisemitism, however, was not the right way to achieve this objective. Its methods of persecution were incompatible with he authentic spirit of the Catholic Church. Moreover, antsemitism did not work. While some effort "to eliminate or reduce [the Jews'] antisocial or injurious character" was indicated, persecution made matters worse. Rather than eliminating the characteristics of the oppressed group, such measures only accentuated them.

Those who were unjustly persecuted often became persecutors themselves and their hatred of Christianity intensified. The victims of persecution turned to those who sought to stir up political, social or economic hatreds. What could be done thereof? There as no single way to deal with the Jews, because their circumstances differed throughout the world. For practical reasons, action was best left to the "interested parties". Defensive moves, for that was what they were, should eschew solutions that had to do with violence, force, or brutal means of coercion, and prefer "measures dictated by a healthy spiritualism." There was one guideline, however: "no solution is a true solution if it contradicts the strict requirements of justice and charity." 47

Concluding, the draft underscored the role of the Church in pointing out the road for society to follow. There was no denunciation of Nazi policies, no condemnation of specific anti-Jewish programs, and no indication that Fascist Italy was poised to adopt racial laws of its own. After nearly a hundred pages, the draft ended not with a flourish, but rather with a reiteration of Catholic teachings on "unity and peace: fruits of redemption."

Antisemitic polices were indeed condemned, but to our ears at least there is a distressing willingness to grant a wide berth to secular authorities acting against Jews, and to contemplate "energetic measures to protect the faith and morals of the faithful - language that was sometimes used to justify anti-Jewish campaigns in prewar Poland and Hungary, for example. In 1941, faced with wartime persecutions such as mounted by the Vichy regime in France, the Vatican was willing to countenance an entire anti-Jewish program as more or less acceptable- providing, of course, as a Vatican source indicated to the French ambassador to the Holy See sing the familiar refrain, that such laws were enforced with due regard to "justice and charity." Apparently, the Vatican thought that they were. 48

Read in context, the draft encyclical seems much more like a repetition of conventional wisdom of the Church on antisemitism than a call to arms against antisemitic forces in Germany and Italy. Indeed, antisemitism seems to have had a much less prominent place in the encyclical than the subsequent interest in this theme- for obvious reasons -- might suggest. Race was of central importance to John LaFarge and it was clearly of vital interest to him to have the Vatican comment authoritatively on this question. The American priest seems to have had little or no interest in Jewish matters, however. So far as one can tell from his biography and his published writings, he wrote nothing of substance about them- neither before nor even during the Second World War. The passages on the Jews were probably drafted by Gundlach. In 1930, as Passelecq and Suchnecky note, the German Jesuit had contributed an article "Antisemitismus" to a basic reference work, the Lexicon fur Theologie und Kirche, that essentially reflected Catholic thinking of the day, and these are the themes, that there was nothing new in Humani Generis Unitas about the Jews.

Under these circumstances, it is hard to imagine that the issuing of the World War would have made a great deal of difference encyclical on the eve of the Second World War would have made a great deal of difference- let alone that it might have "averted the Holocaust." Both in its condemnation of antsemitism and in its recitation of the traditional anti-Judaism of the Catholic Church - to be reversed only by the Second Vatican Council in the 1960s -- the draft articulated Catholic views that were well known. Using much more forthright language at times, and with words not heavily freighted by anti-Judaism, Pius XI repeatedly denounced the Italian Fascist government's embrace of racism and antisemitism in the weeks following the completion of the draft encyclical-- all to no effect, of course, just as Mit brennender Sorge, issued in 1937, had failed to arrest the Nazi tide. 50

The story of the draft encyclical "ends on a sour note" in the words of one reviewer, Frederick Brown. 51 Not only did the efforts of LaFarge and his colleagues miscarry, their challenge to fascist antisemitism also included Catholic teachings of contempt for Jews- the doctrine finally condemned by the Church only in 1965, with Nostra Aetate, the Second Vatican Council's declaration on the Jews. The "lost encyclical" turns out not to have been a tragically spurned instrument that might have restrained Nazism, but part of a wider cultural distaste for Jews, despite its rejection of Fascist antisemitism. Our own quest for a "lost encyclical" thereby leaves us with an air of futility. This might have been turns out not to have been so different from what actually was. Psychologically, of course, the search for might have beens is understandable- and despite the lack of evidence that the Nazis could readily have been deflected from their murderous objectives towards the Jews. We will probably keep searching for other options considered and not taken, so long as we remain so unsettled by the catastrophe that really did happen, and not fully convinced by the explanation for it that we have.

Wlodimir (Vladimir) Ledochowski- Holocaust: Critical Concepts in Historical Studies

Wlodimir Ledochowski S.J.

John LaFarge S.J.

Since John Hagee had reportedly blamed the Roman Catholic Church for the WW2 holocaust of the Jewish peoples, I went to his site for a search there upon John LaFarge, the Jesuit who was involved with encyclical opposing racially based persecution that was reportedly suppressed by Wlodimir Ledochowski, and found nothing.

For the benefit of Hagee and anyone else, I did an internet search upon this and came across the book "Holocaust: Critical Concepts in Historical Studies", from which I quote below:

(excerpt)

The election of Pacelli made it all but certain that the draft encyclical prepared y LaFarge and his colleagues would never be issued by the Holy See. From the Vatican, Ledochowski's assistant wrote to LaFarge on March 16 saying that the draft had not yet had time to take the matter in hand. A few weeks later he advised LaFarge that the project was finished, and that the French and English versions would be returned. La Farge was to keep the whole process secret, Ledochowski insisted, although he could publish parts of the draft over his own signature-subject of course, to the regular censorship of the Jesuit Order. 29

Why did the encyclical fail to see the light of day as LaFarge and Gundlach so feverantly had hoped? As we have seen, the German Jesuit strongly suspected that the obstacle was Ledochowski, and that his motives were anti-communism. Of Polish aristocratic background, Ledochowski seemed to subsequent commentators a militant right-wing cleric who probably was disinclined to challenge the fascist dictators, particularly on questions of race and antisemetism. However, elements of his background and is reputation might suggest otherwise. 30 Known as a Polish patriot, Ledochowski was actually born in 1866 in the Lower Austrian village of Loosdorf, just west of Vienna, and his native language was German. Once a page at the court of the Empress Elizabeth of Austria, he was the son of Count Anthony Ledochowski, an exiled Russian Pole and cavalry officer in the Austro-Hungarian army, and Josephine Salis-Zizers, who was of aristocratic Swiss background. His distinguished family included Cardinal Miecyslaw Ledochowski, prefect of the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith, a sister [Julia Ursula] who was superior of the Polish Ursulines, and another sister [Maria Teresa] who directed missionary work in Africa. Educated in both German and Polish instructions, Ledochowski was elected Superior General of the Jesuit Order in 1915, and served in his post for twenty seven years until his death in 1942. He lived almost continuously in Rome for this entire period.

Appreciated as a strict disciplinarian and keen administrator, committed to the strengthening [of] the Jesuit Order and opposing the excesses of modernism, Ledochowski was a dynamic and determined leader, with greater seniority in the high office at the Vatican even than the Pope himself. He seems to have no particular interest in Jewish matters, but was understood to be rather liberal on matters of race and religious diversity. "A great believer in the cooperation of Catholics with non-Catholics" observed The New York Times in its 1942 obituary; he worked untiringly to promote understandings between religious groups." 31 As Superior General, Ledochowski sought the appointment of native clergymen in Asia, Africa, and the Middle East and, again according to The New York Times, was "keenly interested in the rights and progress of the Negro in the United States."

There is no indication that he might have been driven by anticommunism to spare criticism of Germany under Hitler. To be sure, as Passelecq and Suchecky point out, Ledochowski had believed like so many others that Nazism was a passing phenomenon, and in a sense the Soviets were seen to pose a far more fundamental threat than the Hitlerian regime to the interests of the Church. 32 But on the other hand as the Fuhrer hold on power solidified[,] the dangers of Nazism became more apparent- a viewpoint confirmed by Obborne's Italian counterpart in August 1939. Indeed, Ledochowski was said to fear the pope's peace initiative of 1939 precisely because it suggested the Holy See was coming too much under German and Italian pressure. 33

Another hypothesis has it that Pacelli himself might have blocked the encyclical- based on the latter's disinclination to confront the fascist dictators on matters of racism and antisemitism and his concern to maintain the neutrality of the Holy See. The French Cardinal Eugene Tisserant's words in 1940 are often quoted, saying that history might reproach the Vatican with having followed a policy of "Selfish convenience" under Pius XII, in marked contrast to the policies of his predecessor, Achille Ratti. 34 Whatever the general assessment of Pacelli, however, no evidence has come to light that he sought to subvert the objectives of his predecessor whom he had faithfully served as secretary of state, or that he disagreed with the content of the draft encyclical. What seems much more important is the shifting context of the spring of 1939. A few weeks after the death of Pius XI[,] the British government announced a military guarantee of Poland, sharply reversing their hands-off approach to eastern Europe. To an even greater degree than before, the European powers seemed about to go to war. At the Vatican, might the newly elected pope have been determined to make a fresh effort to preserve the peace, putting aside Ratti's confrontationist approach, which after all had borne little fruit? Pacelli seems to have been determined to assist the European powers "not to destroy each other," as Owne Chadwick observes. This was not a rejection of Pius XI's cause, but the adaptation of a new priority. In Chadwick's words, "Vatican policy changed overnight." 35

Much of factual evidence cited above has been known, at least among a small circle of interested readers, since the end of 1972, when a story on he "hidden encyclical" appeared in the Kansas City-based, lay-edited National Catholic Reporter (NCR) by Thomas Breslin, then a twenty-eight-year old academic and former Jesuit seminarian who had come across the material in LaFarge's private papers. Unfortunately, discussion at the time drew only selectively from the draft encyclical itself and made some very doubtful claims about its import. "Pope Pius XI commissioned ... an encyclical attacking racism and anti-Semitism in June of 1938," the NCR article began; had it been published, the encyclical "would have broken the much criticized Vatican silence on the persecution f the Jews before and during the Second World War." Had the encyclical appeared, the associate editor of NCR further claimed, hundreds of thousands, even millions of lives might have been saved. Commenting more soberly for the NCR, Gordon Zahn, historian and author of German Catholics and Hitler's Wars, noted that "the heart of [the draft] encyclical, its whole reason for being written in the first place, was the explicit condemnation of racism and anti-Semitism." While not so bold in his claims as Connor Cruise O'Brien fifteen years later, Zahn was nevertheless certain that publication would have made an important difference. "Nazi anti-Semitic practices would not have stopped, but they [might] not have escalated to the stage of planned extermination; more important, Catholics in countries soon to be occupied might have been less ready to cooperate when the time came." 37

At the time, the NCR story whetted the appetite of Georges Passelecq, who eventually joined with Bernard Suchecky to write a full-dress account of the affair. In a not entirely convincing first chapter, the authors suggest that their hunt for the missing encyclical- a most elusive document, "like the Loch Ness monster," as one source described it to them -- was constantly obstructed by Church authorities. 38 It is not clear why they did not immediately seek out Breslin, who was named in the 1972 NCR story. ....

John Hagee's Apparent Lack of Interest In History

When I first heard about John Hagee and his characterization of the Roman Catholic Church as “the Great Whore,” an “apostate church,” and a “false cult system,” blaming it for the WW2 holocaust of the Jewish peoples, I sent his organization an email alerting him to this blog that I created "Continuing Counter Reformation" which exposes the WW2 era Jesuit Superior General Black Pope Wlodimir Ledochowski. I received the following reply:

March 12, 2008

Dear Doug,

On behalf of John Hagee Ministries, we appreciate the support and confidence you have in Pastor Hagee’s teachings.

Our staff at John Hagee Ministries reviewed your e-mail forwarding your website information.

Thank you for providing Pastor Hagee with the web link listed in your letter. Thank you for sharing this information with Pastor Hagee. The web site link has been duly noted and will be reviewed by our staff at the first opportunity.

Please understand that the demands on this ministry have placed a tremendous responsibility on the hands of our Shepherd and staff. Please understand why he is unable to respond and comment on this web site information.

Remember God’s word says, “Delight yourself in the Lord and He will grant you the desires of your heart. Commit your way to the Lord and He will bring it to pass”. [Psalm 27:4]. We pray that God will fill you with His peace and joy for “the joy of the Lord is our strength”. [ Nehemiah 8:10].

God bless you.

Sincerely,

Edward Martinez

John Hagee Ministries

In looking at my web counter I could find no indication that anyone at John Hagee Ministries looked at this blog.

Is Hagee just another fraternal order controlled minion?

What can one expect from a ministry headed by a man who endorsed John McCain- the U.S. Presidential candidate perhaps most likely to ultimately steer the U.S. into a destructive 2 front war that it will loose?!




Jesuitical Ledochowskiesque Set Up?

Wlodimir Ledochowski's Plausible Childhood Revenge Vow to Destroy Prussia
Wlodimir Ledochowski Mission, Motivation, Geo-Political Chess-Board
Wlodimir Ledochowski's Plausible Counter Reformation Strategy
Wlodimir Ledochowski's Plausible Childhood Inspiration
Wlodimir Ledochowski's Goal Predicted by Max Kolbe
Wlodimir Ledochowski's Goal Via Goals
Wlodimir Ledochowski's Counter Reformation in Art
Wlodimir Ledochowski's Religious Demographic Cleansing
Wlodimir Ledochowski's Counter Reformation Customerly Overlooked
Wlodimir Ledochowski War Culpability Counter Reformation 'Aim' Admission

History's Denial by The New York Times

The New York Times just published this about U.S. Presidential candidate John McCain's pastor John Hagee:

(excerpt)

Mr. McCain had sought the endorsement of the Rev. John Hagee, a televangelist, for more than a year and finally won it in February, only to have the Catholic League denounce Mr. Hagee for waging “an unrelenting war against the Catholic Church.” Mr. Hagee called it “the Great Whore,” an “apostate church,” and a “false cult system.” The pastor apologized and said his remarks had been misconstrued, a truce was declared and Mr. McCain still welcomed the endorsement.

Apparently the New York Times forgets what it wrote in 1892 about a faction within the Roman Catholic Church/Vatican, headed by one Miesczyslaw Ledochowski, uncle to the then future Jesuit Order Superior General Wlodimir Ledochowski (b. October 7, 1866, elected Superior General February 11, 1915, retaining that position to his death of December 13, 1942):

(excerpt)

It is very well understood, however, that Monaco is entirely under the control of Ledochowski, that proud, imperious, and able Pole who made Bismarck such worlds of trouble in the old Kulterkampf day and who has been able to impose his will very often upon even the present Pope. This powerful man was in a German prison when Pius IX created him a Cardinal in 1875. Next year he was released and banished, and he has since lived in Rome, devoting his great wealth and talents to building up a militant Ultramontagne party about him. His wrath at the treatment he received at the hands of Bismarck has colored all his political views. He has hated both Germany and Italy and has looked unceasingly forward to the time when French bayonets should restore the temporal power of the Vatican in the old Roman States.

If we assume that this spirited and resolute prelate will shortly be ruling the Church through its nominal head, it becomes a most anxious question how he will accept the existing political conditions of Europe which have so radically changed since 1875. The new rulers of the Germans have been at pains to show their desire to abolish the last traces of the Kulterkampf. When the pending Prussian Education bill is passed, the German Catholics will be actually stronger than they were before the May laws. During the last half year these dispatches have frequently reflected the new interest which William and his immediate entourage are displaying in the Polish question. Of course a good deal of this has arisen naturally from the contemplation of the necessity of sooner or later fighting Russia: but even more it represents the effort to allure Ledochowski into friendship with Germany by an appeal to his national sentiment. How far this has succeeded will be, as has been said, a most anxious question.

In any event under this new regime there would be an abrupt cessation of pastorals on Socialistic and labor problems and of poems about St. Thomas Aquinas. We should instead see the Vatican boldly embark upon the troubled waters of European diplomacy, seeking alliances and taking desperate risks upon the fortune in the next war.

“Should Old Pope Leo Die: the political tendencies of his successor. The Cardinal who would probably win the prize – his Polish supporter – affairs in France and Germany – Spurgeon’s return – Lord Lorne’s appointment", The New York Times, January 23, 1892

http://query.nytimes.com/mem/archive-free/pdf?_r=1&res=9B07E3DA1738E233A25757C2A9679C94639ED7CF&oref=slogin

What The New York Times writes now is an insult to the 10s of millions of people murdered by the Ledochowskis' wars- 1st that for Polish independence (WWI), and especially the following war (WWII) for the 'cleansing' of Poland of its Jewish and its more independently minded peoples and so many many more, for the goal of Poland's shift westward for the continuing counter reformation's aim of the wholesale theft of lands from Protestants.



Wlodimir Ledochowski: Mission, Motivation, Geo-Political Chessboard
Wlodimir Ledochowski's Plausible Counter Reformation Strategy
Wlodimir Ledochowski's Plausible Childhood Inspiration
Wlodimir Ledochowski's Plausible Childhood Revenge Vow To Destroy Prussia
Wlodimir Ledochowski's Spooky Obscurity

Wlodimir (Vladimir) Ledochowski: Ignored By Historians Such as Norman Davies

Norman Davies, author of "God's Playground: A History of Poland"

Wlodimir Ledochowski apparently Un-mentioned in this 700+ page book
on the history of Poland from 1795-present!

Norman Davies

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/God's_Playground

God's Playground is a book written in 1979 by Norman Davies, covering the history of Poland.

Davies was inspired to the title by Jan Kochanowski's 1580s Boże igrzysko (Mankind: Bauble of the Gods).

The book (or two, as many editions are split into two volumes) has received good reviews in international press^[1] and is considered by many historians^[2] and other scholars^[3] to be one of the best English-language books on the subject of history of Poland. The author received several Polish honours.

Yet where does it even mention Wlodimir Ledochowski (born October 7, 1866, died December 13, 1942)?!

The only Ledochowski mentioned in the index is Wlodimir's uncle Mieczyslaw, who was imprisoned in 1874 by the government of Otto Von Bismarck, at page 127.

Mieczyslaw Ledochowski

NEWS RELEASE

09/05/91

CONTACT: Stanford University News Service (415) 723-2558

State appellate court upholds Stanford in Davies case

http://www.stanford.edu/dept/news/pr/91/910905Arc1210.html

(excerpt)

Davies' works have been criticized at Stanford and elsewhere, by such experts as Lucy S. Dawidowicz (author of The War Against the Jews: 1933-1945) who said they felt Davies minimized historic anti- Semitism in Poland and tended to blame Polish Jews for their fate in the Holocaust. Davies' supporters contend that Poles suffered as much as Jews did in the war and could have done very little to save any of the 3 million Jews living in Poland at the time of the Nazi invasion in 1939.

Order of Merit of the Republic of Poland
awarded to Norman Davies by the Polish government in 1999

The New York Times in 1892 on the Papacy, Cardinal Ledochowski, the Vatican and Future War

Wlodimir (Vladimir) Ledochowski: Usually Ignored Even By The Jesuits

Wlodimir Ledochowski

Jesuit Order Superior General
February 11, 1915 - December 13, 1942

George Weigel

http://www.eppc.org/publications/pubID.1205/pub_detail.asp

(excerpt)

It's a safe bet that no Jesuit provincial in the U.S. has appreciatively quoted Wladimir Ledochowski for rather a long time. That, and the unsparing honesty of Father Levensï's address, suggests that something interesting, and just possibly hopeful, is afoot.

Something very interesting considering that Ledochowski is considered one of the "greatest" Black Popes within the context of being so during some of this world's most turbulent/bloody times, who gave the Jesuit Order the firmest stamp and clearest definition since the Generalate of Claudio Acquaviva in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

About Weigel:

http://www.eppc.org/scholars/scholarID.14/scholar.asp

George Weigel, Distinguished Senior Fellow of the Ethics and Public Policy Center, is a Catholic theologian and one of America's leading public intellectuals.

Professional Experience

A native of Baltimore, he was educated at St. Mary's Seminary College in his native city, and at the University of St. Michael's College in Toronto. In 1975, Weigel moved to Seattle where he was Assistant Professor of Theology and Assistant (later Acting) Dean of Studies at the St. Thomas Seminary School of Theology in Kenmore. In 1977, Weigel became Scholar-in-Residence at the World Without War Council of Greater Seattle, a position he held until 1984. In 1984-85 Weigel was a fellow of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C. There, he wrote Tranquillitas Ordinis: The Present Failure and Future Promise of American Catholic Thought on War and Peace (Oxford University Press, 1987).

Weigel is the author or editor of nineteen other books, including The Final Revolution: The Resistance Church and the Collapse of Communism (Oxford, 1992); The Truth of Catholicism: Ten Controversies Explored (HarperCollins, 2001); The Courage To Be Catholic: Crisis, Reform, and the Future of the Church (Basic Books, 2002); Letters to a Young Catholic (Basic, 2004); The Cube and the Cathedral: Europe, America, and Politics Without God (Basic, 2005); God's Choice: Pope Benedict XVI and the Future of the Catholic Church (HarperCollins, 2005); Faith, Reason, and the War Against Jihadism (Doubleday, 2007); and Against the Grain: Christianity and Democracy, War and Peace (Crossroad, 2008). Weigel has written essays, op-ed columns, and reviews for the major opinion journals and newspapers in the United States, and is a contributor to Newsweek. A frequent guest on television and radio, he is also Vatican analyst for NBC News. His weekly column, "The Catholic Difference," is syndicated to sixty newspapers around the United States. His scholarly work and his journalism are regularly translated into the major European languages.

From 1989 through June 1996, Weigel was president of the Ethics and Public Policy Center, where he led a wide-ranging, ecumenical and inter-religious program of research and publication on foreign and domestic policy issues. From June 1996, as a Senior Fellow of the Center, Weigel prepared a major study of the life, thought, and action of Pope John Paul II. Witness to Hope: The Biography of Pope John Paul II was published to international acclaim in the Fall of 1999, in English, French, Italian, and Spanish editions. Polish, Portuguese, Slovak, Czech, and Slovenian editions were published in 2000. A Russian edition was published in 2001, and a German edition in 2002; Chinese and Romanian editions are in preparation. A documentary film based on the book was released in the fall of 2001 and has won numerous prizes.

Weigel has been awarded ten honorary doctorates, the papal cross Pro Ecclesia et Pontifice, and the Gloria Artis Gold Medal by the Republic of Poland. He serves on the boards of directors of several organizations dedicated to human rights and the cause of religious freedom and is a member of the editorial board of First Things.

George Weigel and his wife, Joan, have three children and one grandchild, and live in North Bethesda, Maryland.

Education

B.A., St. Mary's Seminary and University, Baltimore
M.A., University of St. Michael's College, Toronto

RSS Feed
Click here for an RSS feed of Mr. Weigel's latest publications and events.

"Gloria Artis"

Zagami- A Successful Distraction: 200X-May 2008

Leo Zagami

In the months after starting this blog Continuing Counter Reformation, with the expose of the Vatican's under-acknowledged historical Achilles heel, WW2 era Black Pope Wlodimir Ledochowski, a disproportionate amount of bandwidth has been granted to Leo Zagami, an alledged "defector" from the international criminal apostate shadow government known as that entity symbolized by that pyramid symbol of the "back and to the left" Romish-Masonic terror, the Illuminati.

From a recent video with The Forerunner

Amongst Vatican expose researchers, none would argue that Leo Zagami is more worthy of our time then exposing the crimes of Wlodimir Ledochowski's continuing the counter reformation into the 20th century.

Yet such researchers, including Eric Jon Phelps, Thomas Richards, Greg Syzmanski, and others have devoted way way way more time to Zagami than exposing Ledochowski and his crimes.

Hopefully, beyond seeing Zagami as a trickster, they will see that error and act accordingly.

Wlodimir Ledochowski Mission, Motivation, Geo-Political Chess-Board
Wlodimir Ledochowski's Plausible Counter Reformation Strategy
Wlodimir Ledochowski's Plausible Childhood Revenge Vow to Destroy Prussia
Wlodimir Ledochowski's Plausible Childhood Inspiration
Wlodimir Ledochowski's Job Opening Circumstances
Wlodimir Ledochowski's Goal Predicted by Max Kolbe
Wlodimir Ledochowski's Goal Via Goals
Wlodimir Ledochowski Death Timing
Wlodimir Ledochowski War Culpability Admission- the 'Aim of the Counter Reformation'

Continuing Counter Reformation tag "Wlodimir Ledochowski"
Continuing Counter Reformation tag "Kulterkampf Revenge"

Jesuitical Ledochowskiesque Set Up?

See blog labels "Wlodimir Ledochowski" and "Kulterkampf Revenge"

Recent Absolut ad

This general idea was something on the mind of the Kulterkampf Revenge Black Pope (Jesuit Order Superior General) Wlodimir (Vladimir) Ledochowski (1915 - 1942), perhaps since he was a child.

According to Tupper Saussy:

War resulted from the famous Zimmerman Telegram, which the Rothschild press sensationally published in America on March 1, 1917.

In the telegram, supposedly decoded by British interceptors, German foreign minister Arthur Zimmermann proposed to the German ambassador in Mexico a German-Mexican alliance against the United States in which Germany would support the Mexican recapture of territory in Texas, Arizona and New Mexico. A German official talking secretly of invading Texas, Arizona, and New Mexico brought the war suddenly home!

Normally, when the alleged proponent of such an explosive notion—true or not—is asked for verification, he follows good diplomatic form and categorically denies responsibility. Not Arthur Zimmermann. At a Berlin news conference on March 3rd, a reporter for the Hearst papers—which columnist George Seldes terms "the most pro-Catholic press in America”—caught Zimmermann's attention and stated: “Of course Your Excellency will deny this story.” Zimmermann replied, “I cannot deny it. It is true.” Is this a script, or what?

Post Martin Luther
Pomerania, Silesia, East Prussia
Protestant Majority in Pink

The Kulterkaumpf Revenge was against Protestant led and populated Germany, for the anti-Vatican policies of German-Prussian 2nd Reich leader Otto Von Bismarck, cir. 1872-1875, including Bismarck's 1872 expulsion of the Jesuit Order from Germany.

This revenge was via setting that nation up to start and loose a vicious war, and to loose its eastern provinces that were almost entirely Protestant majority, of Germans, many of who were genetically part Slavic/Polish, with such populations driven off their lands. As this was to be Germany's punishment for a war where that nation's armed forces would murder the better educated Polish Roman Catholic nationalists "modernists" and Poland's Jewish peoples, this Ledochowski scheme would achieve multiple objectives of the criminal Jesuit Order.

Key to this setting up of Germany to start and lose a brutal war was its transformation and debasement into the 3rd Reich.

Wlodimir Ledochowski's Plausible Counter Reformation Strategy


A check-list for the U.S. to start and loose a brutal war:

Criminals With Badges, such as the debasement of the police by their adaptation of unjustified debasing of those they arrest, such as unnecessary strip searches ostensibly for enforcing the criminal immoral, socially subversive and unconstitutional pharamacratic inquisition. This debasement of the police extends to military intelligence officers with the adaptation of torture as an acceptable means for eliciting information from captives, such as the waterboarding favored by the criminal administration of GW Bush, described in a recent Washington [a]Post[ate] article as the U.S.'s 1st Roman Catholic President. It also extends to such criminal activities as the initial assault, the siege, and the final assault on the Branch Davidians in Waco, Texas.

Wars of Aggression, such as upon Iraq and that being threatened upon Iran, promoted through Jesuit run Georgetown University.

REX 84 concentration camps, to inter such persons as immigrants, such as those from Mexico- hence setting up the justification for such a border change.

Protestant Prussian manhood had to go if the pope was to unite Europe under a new Roman Catholic Holy Roman Empire after WWII and the Cold War.

America will experience the same disaster; fascist concentration camps, a two-front war killing our best sons; betrayal of our troops; and a massive invasion by several nations who will then partition the Empire for decades.

Brother Eric

http://truthseeker2473.blogspot.com/2008/05/jesuit-information-in-may-2008.html

The Black Pope's Plausible Scenario For WW3
The Revenge of the Jesuits?
May 12, 2008 Prison Planet article
America's Coming Secret Police Force- Be Warned!

The History 'Un-Fit' to Print

In Love With the History Our Teachers Never Told Us

French Huguenots murdered by Spanish Roman Catholics.

Much like the inability of it and other newspapers, notably the Washington [a]Post[ate], regarding Roman Catholic terrorist Guy Fawkes, who attempted to blow up the British Parliament in 1605, the New York Times fails to mention the religion and hence the religious motives of the Spanish murderers of French Protestants.

(excerpt)

CUTTYHUNK ISLAND, Mass. — Tony Horwitz’s new book, “A Voyage Long and Strange,” is about the American history most Americans never learned, including the story of the short-lived, early-17th-century colony established on this windswept island eight miles west of Martha’s Vineyard.

The book starts with the Viking discovery of North America, dispels a number of myths about Columbus (a much lousier navigator than we were taught) and then traces the various Spanish and French explorations of America before turning to the English settlements at Jamestown and Plymouth.

That the Pilgrims were very tardy latecomers is one of the themes of “A Voyage Long and Strange,” just published by Macmillan. Another is that much of what we think of as heroic exploration was bumbling and misguided. And a third is that large chunks of our past are preserved these days less by scholars than by passionate amateurs. Who knew, for example, that some evangelicals in Jacksonville, Fla., were keeping alive the memory of the French Huguenots who settled there and were massacred by the Spanish?

The author Tony Horwitz on windswept Cuttyhunk Island
(photo and caption from The New York Times)

Criminal Apostate US President GW Bush A 'Secret Catholic'

The U.S. President that micromanages torture, it figures.

One Beast Bowing to Another Beast

By Daniel Burke
Sunday, April 13, 2008; B02

Shortly after Pope Benedict XVI's election in 2005, President Bush met with a small circle of advisers in the Oval Office. As some mentioned their own religious backgrounds, the president remarked that he had read one of the new pontiff's books about faith and culture in Western Europe.

Save for one other soul, Bush was the only non-Catholic in the room. But his interest in the pope's writings was no surprise to those around him. As the White House prepares to welcome Benedict on Tuesday, many in Bush's inner circle expect the pontiff to find a kindred spirit in the president. Because if Bill Clinton can be called America's first black president, some say, then George W. Bush could well be the nation's first Catholic president.

This isn't as strange a notion as it sounds. Yes, there was John F. Kennedy. But where Kennedy sought to divorce his religion from his office, Bush has welcomed Roman Catholic doctrine and teachings into the White House and based many important domestic policy decisions on them.

"I don't think there's any question about it," says Rick Santorum, former U.S. senator from Pennsylvania and a devout Catholic, who was the first to give Bush the "Catholic president" label. "He's certainly much more Catholic than Kennedy."

Bush attends an Episcopal church in Washington and belongs to a Methodist church in Texas, and his political base is solidly evangelical. Yet this Protestant president has surrounded himself with Roman Catholic intellectuals, speechwriters, professors, priests, bishops and politicians. These Catholics -- and thus Catholic social teaching -- have for the past eight years been shaping Bush's speeches, policies and legacy to a degree perhaps unprecedented in U.S. history.

"I used to say that there are more Catholics on President Bush's speechwriting team than on any Notre Dame starting lineup in the past half-century," said former Bush scribe -- and Catholic -- William McGurn.

Bush has also placed Catholics in prominent roles in the federal government and relied on Catholic tradition to make a public case for everything from his faith-based initiative to antiabortion legislation. He has wedded Catholic intellectualism with evangelical political savvy to forge a powerful electoral coalition.

"There is an awareness in the White House that the rich Catholic intellectual tradition is a resource for making the links between Christian faith, religiously grounded moral judgments and public policy," says Richard John Neuhaus, a Catholic priest and editor of the journal First Things who has tutored Bush in the church's social doctrines for nearly a decade.

In the late 1950s, Kennedy's Catholicism was a political albatross, and he labored to distance himself from his church. Accepting the Democratic nomination in 1960, he declared his religion "not relevant."

Bush and his administration, by contrast, have had no such qualms about their Catholic connections. At times, they've even seemed to brandish them for political purposes. Even before he got to the White House, Bush and his political guru Karl Rove invited Catholic intellectuals to Texas to instruct the candidate on the church's social teachings. In January 2001, Bush's first public outing as president in the nation's capital was a dinner with Washington's then-archbishop, Theodore McCarrick. A few months later, Rove (an Episcopalian) asked former White House Catholic adviser Deal Hudson to find a priest to bless his West Wing office.

"There was a very self-conscious awareness that religious conservatives had brought Bush into the White House and that [the administration] wanted to do what they had been mandated to do," says Hudson.

To conservative Catholics, that meant holding the line on same-sex marriage, euthanasia and embryonic stem cell research, and working to limit abortion in the United States and abroad while nominating judges who would eventually outlaw it. To make the case, Bush has often borrowed Pope John Paul II's mantra of promoting a "culture of life." Many Catholics close to him believe that the approximately 300 judges he has seated on the federal bench -- most notably Catholics John Roberts and Samuel Alito on the Supreme Court -- may yet be his greatest legacy.

Bush also used Catholic doctrine and rhetoric to push his faith-based initiative, a movement to open federal funding to grass-roots religious groups that provide social services to their communities. Much of that initiative is based on the Catholic principle of "subsidiarity" -- the idea that local people are in the best position to solve local problems. "The president probably knows absolutely nothing about the Catholic catechism, but he's very familiar with the principle of subsidiarity," said H. James Towey, former director of the White House Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives who is now the president of a Catholic college in southwestern Pennsylvania. "It's the sense that the government is not the savior and that problems like poverty have spiritual roots."

Nonetheless, Bush is not without his Catholic critics. Some contend that his faith-based rhetoric is just small-government conservatism dressed up in religious vestments, and that his economic policies, including tax cuts for the rich, have created a wealth gap that clearly upends the Catholic principle of solidarity with the poor.

John Carr, a top public policy director for the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops, calls the Bush administration's legacy a "tale of two policies."

"The best of the Bush administration can be seen in their work in development assistance on HIV/AIDS in Africa," says Carr. "In domestic policy, the conservatism trumps the compassion."

And other prominent Catholics charge the president with disregarding Rome's teachings on the Iraq war and torture. But even when he has taken actions that the Vatican opposes, such as invading Iraq, Bush has shown deference to church teachings. Before he sent U.S. troops into Baghdad to topple Saddam Hussein, he met with Catholic "theocons" to discuss just-war theory. White House adviser Leonard Leo, who heads Catholic outreach for the Republican National Committee, says that Bush "has engaged in dialogue with Catholics and shared perspectives with Catholics in a way I think is fairly unique in American politics."

Moreover, people close to Bush say that he has professed a not-so-secret admiration for the church's discipline and is personally attracted to the breadth and unity of its teachings. A New York priest who has befriended the president said that Bush respects the way Catholicism starts at the foundation -- with the notion that the papacy is willed by God and that the pope is Peter's successor. "I think what fascinates him about Catholicism is its historical plausibility," says this priest. "He does appreciate the systematic theology of the church, its intellectual cogency and stability." The priest also says that Bush "is not unaware of how evangelicalism -- by comparison with Catholicism -- may seem more limited both theologically and historically."

Former Bush speechwriter Michael Gerson, another evangelical with an affinity for Catholic teaching, says that the key to understanding Bush's domestic policy is to view it through the lens of Rome. Others go a step further.

Paul Weyrich, an architect of the religious right, detects in Bush shades of former British prime minister Tony Blair, who converted to Catholicism last year. "I think he is a secret believer," Weyrich says of Bush. Similarly, John DiIulio, Bush's first director of faith-based initiatives, has called the president a "closet Catholic." And he was only half-kidding.

daniel.burke@religionnews.com

Daniel Burke is a national correspondent for Religion News Service.

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