The Catholic Roots of Obama's Activism
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/03/23/us/the-catholic-roots-of-obamas-activism.html?_r=0
excerpt
CHICAGO — In a meeting room under Holy Name Cathedral, a rapt group of black Roman Catholics listened as Barack Obama, a 25-year-old community organizer, trained them to lobby their fellow delegates to a national congress in Washington on issues like empowering lay leaders and attracting more believers.
“He so quickly got us,” said Andrew Lyke, a participant in the meeting who is now the director of the Chicago Archdiocese’s Office for Black Catholics. The group succeeded in inserting its priorities into the congress’s plan for churches, Mr. Lyke said, and “Barack Obama was key in helping us do that.”
By the time of that session in the spring of 1987, Mr. Obama — himself not Catholic — was already well known in Chicago’s black Catholic circles. He had arrived two years earlier to fill an organizing position paid for by a church grant, and had spent his first months here surrounded by Catholic pastors and congregations. In this often overlooked period of the president’s life, he had a desk in a South Side parish and became steeped in the social justice wing of the church, which played a powerful role in his political formation.
This
Thursday, Mr. Obama will meet with Pope Francis at the Vatican after a
three-decade divergence with the church. By the late 1980s, the Catholic
hierarchy had taken a conservative turn that de-emphasized social
engagement and elevated the culture wars that would eventually cast Mr.
Obama as an abortion-supporting enemy. Mr. Obama, who went on to find his own faith
with the Rev. Jeremiah A. Wright Jr.’s Trinity United Church of Christ,
drifted from his youthful, church-backed activism to become a pragmatic
politician and the president with a terrorist “kill list.” The meeting this week is a potential point of confluence.
A
White House accustomed to archbishop antagonists hopes the president
will find a strategic ally and kindred spirit in a pope who preaches a gospel of social justice and inclusion.
Mr. Obama’s old friends in the priesthood pray that Francis will
discover a president freed from concerns about re-election and willing
to rededicate himself to the vulnerable.
But
the Vatican — aware that Mr. Obama has far more to gain from the
encounter than the pope does, and wary of being used for American
political consumption — warns that this will hardly be like the 1982
meeting at which President Ronald Reagan and Pope John Paul II agreed to
fight Communism in Eastern Europe.
“We’re
not in the old days of the great alliance,” said a senior Vatican
official who was granted anonymity to speak frankly about the mind-set
inside the Holy See. While Mr. Obama’s early work with the church is
“not on the radar screen,” the official said, his recent arguments with
American bishops over issues of religious freedom are: Catholic leaders
have objected to a provision
in the administration’s health care law that requires employers to
cover contraception costs, and have sharply questioned the morality of
the administration’s use of drones to fight terrorism.
As in many reunions, expectations, and the possibility for disappointment, run high.
In
1967, as the modernizing changes of the Second Vatican Council began to
transform the Catholic world, Ann Dunham, Mr. Obama’s mother, took her
chubby 6-year-old son occasionally to Mass and enrolled him in a new
Catholic elementary school in Jakarta, Indonesia, called Santo
Fransiskus Asisi. At school, the future president began and ended his
days with prayer. At home, his mother read him the Bible with an
anthropologist’s eye.
Pious
he was not. “When it came time to pray, I would pretend to close my
eyes, then peek around the room,” Mr. Obama wrote in his memoir “Dreams
From My Father.” “Nothing happened. No angels descended. Just a parched
old nun and 30 brown children, muttering words.”
In
1969, Mr. Obama transferred to a more exclusive, state-run school with a
mosque, but a development in the United States would have a greater
impact on his future career. American Catholic bishops responded to the
call of the Second Vatican Council to focus on the poor by creating what
is now known as the Catholic Campaign for Human Development, an antipoverty and social justice program that became one of the country’s most influential supporters of grass-roots groups.
By
the early 1980s, when Mr. Obama was an undergraduate at Columbia
University, the campaign was financing a project to help neighborhoods
after the collapse of the steel mills near Chicago. The program’s
leaders, eager to expand beyond Catholic parishes to the black
Protestant churches where more of the affected community worshiped,
sought an African-American for the task. In 1985, they found one in Mr.
Obama, a fledgling community organizer in New York who answered a want
ad for a job with the Developing Communities Project. The faith-based
program aimed to unify South Side residents against unsafe streets, poor
living conditions and political neglect. Mr. Obama’s salary was less
than $10,000 a year.
The
future president arrived in Chicago with little knowledge of
Catholicism other than the Graham Greene novels and “Confessions” of St.
Augustine he had read during a period of spiritual exploration at
Columbia. But he fit seamlessly into a 1980s Catholic cityscape forged
by the spirit of Vatican II, the influence of liberation theology and
the progressivism of Cardinal Joseph L. Bernardin, the archbishop of
Chicago, who called for a “consistent ethic of life” that wove life and
social justice into a “seamless garment.”
On
one of his first days on the job, Mr. Obama heard Cardinal Bernardin
speak at an economic development meeting. He felt like a Catholic novice
there, he wrote in his memoir, and later decided “not to ask what a
catechism was.” But he was a quick study.
“He
had to do a power analysis of each Catholic church,” said one of his
mentors at the time, Gregory Galluzzo, a former Jesuit priest and
disciple of the organizer Saul Alinsky. Mr. Obama, Mr. Galluzzo said,
soon understood the chain of command and who had influence in individual
parishes.
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